Political Context
Where These Views Live
The positions on this page are my own political commitments, held as a private individual: not as a researcher, an engineer, or a representative of any employer or institution. They shape where I put my advocacy energy, but they are not premises anywhere else on this site: no citation, method, or conclusion in my research and technical work traces back to this page. The wall runs in the other direction too: my spiritual life is personal and individual, these stances are not derived from it, and no position here asks anyone to share it.
General Political Philosophy
Progressive, Human Flourishing, Planet Flourishing, Freedom of Information and Education, Equality & Freedom, Diversity, Inclusion, Global Mindset.
Key Figures: Voltaire, Locke, Rousseau, Beauvoir
Key Figures: Voltaire, Locke, Rousseau, Beauvoir
Social contract theory (Locke, Rousseau) is the frame I keep coming back to, the same one behind my worldview: we owe each other the conditions to flourish, as well as accountability when systems fail people. I hold that frame with the critique attached, as I do on my worldview page: Charles W. Mills showed how much of the contract tradition was built while excluding most of humanity, and that is a flaw in its construction, not only in its application.* Human Flourishing & Planet Flourishing are the point; parties and policies are just tools toward them. My drives come first (flourishing, reliable information, education), my stances follow from those drives, and any party alignment follows from my stances, never the other way around.
USA Political
A Leftist/Progressive and a member of the DSA (Democratic Socialists of America): while I live in the US, I want to support work that aids people and workers here. I served in the Air National Guard.
'Leftist / Progressive' and the DSA are just shorthand; the beliefs in the lists below are the actual position, and the label follows the beliefs. I keep this separate from my information advocacy on purpose: science, journalism, & education should answer to evidence, not to any politics, mine included.
If you'd prefer a quick reference for my USA Political Stances...
Pro
- - Rights & Equality: Diversity · Choice · Trans rights · Queer Rights · Gender Equality · Gender Affirming Care (developmentally appropriate, per major medical guidance) · Freedom of Religion · Freedom of Expression / Speech · Acknowledging & Accepting Irregular / Diverse Family Structures · Consent · Reparations for indigenous, marginalized individuals/groups, and/or POC
- - Economy & Labor: Taxes · Work / Labor · Unions · Corporate Regulation
- - Health & Wellbeing: Single Payer Health Care · Exercise · Therapy · Mediation · Meditation · Regulation and Medical/Prescription Use of Substances
- - Environment & Infrastructure: Environment / Conservation / Balance with the Planet & Long-Term Care · the existence of climate change / global warming · Mass / Public Transit · Pedestrian Friendly lifestyles/environments
- - Science, Education & Accountability: Education · Science · Art · History · STEAM · Explainability · Peer Review · Revision & Accountability · Arts / Trades / Civil Service on equal footing with STEM
- - Safety & Public Life: Public Safety · Free Spaces · Gun/Firearm Safety & Regulation & Restrictions
Anti
- - Hate & Harm: Hate Speech · Gun Violence · Fascism · Human Trafficking · Sexual Assault · Religious Discrimination · Child Endangerment · Starvation / Food Shortage
- - Environment: Furthering climate change / global warming/pollution
- - Power & Integrity: Billionaires · Misuse of STEM · Misinformation · Plagiarism · Unregulated / Unethical Use of AI
On billionaires specifically, since it is the one item there that names people rather than a practice: my objection is to the concentration itself. A fortune at that scale buys outcomes that are supposed to be decided in public, media included, and it is generally built on labor and public infrastructure the holder did not pay the full cost of. I am against the accumulation, not the individuals, and the fix I want is structural (tax, antitrust, labor power) rather than personal.
Where free expression and the anti-hate line above collide, my rule is consent and harm: speech that argues is protected from the state; hate speech, and speech that incites violence or harm against people or a group of people, forfeits my defense of it. Consent is the other half: debating people who chose the argument is different from making people a target they never chose to be. I am comfortable saying both. And harm means harm to people: arguing to defund or rebuild an institution is argument, not violence.
Education, STEM, & The Trades
I am pro higher academia and pro higher standards of education, full stop. That said, I want the Arts, the Trades, and civil service on equal footing. The capitalist favoring of STEM over everything else is not good for everyone, and maybe especially not for STEM itself: critical thinking is what makes a scientist worth trusting, and you do not get it by starving the humanities. The access side of this argument, trades, cost, and disability access, lives on my advocacy page.
On AI
AI is a tool, and workable policies sit in the middle, admitting what we know and what we do not: we can't un-invent what already exists, we shouldn't let it run wild, and we shouldn't be afraid of it... but we also can't lean on it as if it were finished or trustworthy.
Environment: My biggest frustration is the environmental cost. US data centers used about 4.4% of the country's electricity in 2023 and are projected to reach 6.7 to 12% by 2028 (Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, for the US Department of Energy); worldwide the share was about 1.5% in 2024 and is projected to more than double by 2030 (the International Energy Agency), with cooling & water as real constraints on top of the power draw. That does not sit well next to the rest of my stances, and I will not pretend it does. So the work I actually care about runs on several fronts: more efficient learning and better architectures, honest gains in computational capability (speed, complexity, and where they fit, quantum & better GPUs), and cleaner power, storage, and cooling to run any of it. The tool should help protect the environment, not tax it.
Governance: I want the fight over control to be honest instead of tribal. Governance is a live question, and the December 2025 executive order pushing national AI policy over state laws is one front of it; 'ban it all' and 'let it run free' are both lazy answers. I lean toward regulated, ethical, explainable use (see the Anti list above), with room for well-scoped limits where the risk earns them.
My own work: I build systems for a living: machine learning, retrieval, and generative pipelines, with natural-language processing (NLP) and large language models (LLMs) at the center of most of it, building and tuning models across a range of roles. To me GenAI is first and foremost an extension of NLP and LLMs, which are themselves a branch of machine learning: a tool, one I both use and help build. I want the field regulated because I work in it, not despite that. In my own work that means disclosing AI assistance, judging outputs on methods and evidence, and counting the energy bill above as part of the honest cost of the tool. Engineering already holds itself to high ethical and review standards, and GenAI changes none of that: you are still responsible for what you ship. As a software engineer I find the shift genuinely interesting, because the understanding computer science demands has not changed while the typing itself can be handed to agentic models. To be plain about how I use it: for logic, NLP, and coding tasks, run agentically inside a harness with tests and review, on top of enough computer science and software engineering to judge what comes back. That is not vibe coding, even if both are technically ‘vibing’ with an AI; the difference is the understanding underneath and the verification after. And I do not point it at art or fiction: where AI touches my writing at all, it is disclosed technical drafting under review, never creative voice. Used that way it enables far more than one person could build alone, and it raises labor questions I think deserve careful management: workforce effects, but also workload and what counts as reasonable working hours.
And I care where the training data comes from, and whether the people who made it get compensated. The US Copyright Office is working through exactly this, and the wave of author and artist lawsuits and settlements says it is not abstract. Provenance & consent belong in the same conversation as capability.
USA, Pride, & Being a Global Citizen
I served six years in the Air National Guard, and I still believe in civil service. My pride in the US is philosophy pride, not nationalism: pride in the Enlightenment ideals of 1776 (Locke, Rousseau, Voltaire) held right next to a plain accounting of where we have failed them: systematically, in policy, and as humans. The 1619 Project (The New York Times Magazine) is, to me, the kind of fuller, more systematic accounting that this honesty requires.* Accountability, empathy, reparations, and revision are strengths, not weaknesses; the failure mode is hubris, being unwilling to learn, or staying closed to whatever challenges you. New Deal Democrats understood that; the ACLU keeps the receipts.
The American 'melting pot' reads to me as an argument that we were always meant to be global citizens: science & information are for everyone, and democracy & human flourishing are the same philosophy at different scales.
Ethics & Boundaries
Ethics, morality, and boundaries now live with my worldview, not my politics.
Notes
- On The Racial Contract. The precise claim: Charles W. Mills argued in The Racial Contract (Cornell University Press, 1997) that the racial contract is not a mere addendum to the classic social contract but its foundation, written by and for the benefit of those it counted as full persons. Naming him here is deliberate: using contract theory without its strongest critique would be exactly the smoothing-over this site argues against. ↩
- On the 1619 Project. Three things are true at once here. First, the revision process is part of why I value it: in March 2020 The New York Times clarified the most disputed sentence to say protecting slavery was a primary motivation for some of the colonists, which is how correction is supposed to work. Second, the frustration: in December 2019 five historians (Victoria Bynum, James McPherson, James Oakes, Sean Wilentz, and Gordon Wood) disputed that claim in a letter to the Times, and the magazine initially declined to issue a correction; failing to flag a live scholarly dispute at the time is exactly the kind of missing context this site exists to push back on. Third, the warning: some critics use that dispute as a straw man to dismiss the whole project. A contested claim in a large work is an argument for reading carefully, not for discarding the accounting. ↩